The Russian Revolution of 1917, which in reality consisted of several uprisings, forms the caesura between the »long« 19th and the »short« 20th century and ushered in the so-called »Age of Extremes« (Eric Hobsbawm). Many who had believed in the success of the revolution were bitterly disappointed by the actual developments. Once again, a revolution had not been able to achieve what many had expected, even longed for. The revolutionary uprising of February 1917 ended with its corruption in October of the same year. On the basis of an analytical comparative model, Frank Jacob addresses the question of the process of this corruption and shows whether it was due to an inevitable development of events or rather to the will to power of a few.

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This pioneering study shows what brought Yiddish-speaking Jewish intelligentsia to the Communist movement in the interwar years. They believed that Communism is not only a way to solve the Jewish problem but also to save the Yiddish culture. Biography of the central protagonist of the book, a Yiddish writer Dovid (David) Sfard, is just a pretext to show a full range of Jewish Communist activists (such as Hersh Smolar, Bernard Mark, Szymon Zachariasz, etc.) and their life choices. This relatively small milieu influenced and controlled the Jewish life in post-war Poland until the anti-Semitic campaign of 1968. Their lives, reconstructed thanks to sources in several languages, make up a panorama of Jewish Communist experience in 20th-century Eastern Europe.

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• A comprehensive introduction to small states, with a mixture of detailed examples (Quebec and Japan) and a broader range of case studies; • Addresses core questions of what a “state” is, what it is for and the role of small states in the international system; • Refocusses the study of small states away from the usual case studies, refocussing on the North American and East Asian contexts. ; With emphasis on East Asian and North American examples – notably Japan and Quebec – Date, Laniel and their contributors take a new approach to the understanding of small nations and their role in the international system. Small nations, by their very nature, raise significant questions about what a nation is. Some small nations are sovereign states with relatively small populations and limited territory, others are nations within larger sovereign states, with distinctive cultures, governance structures or other features that differentiate them from their “parent” state. By focussing on non-European nations in particular, the contributors to this volume challenge our conceptions of what a small nation is and how it operates within the international system. They focus in particular on the nation-within-a-nation-state of Quebec and on Japan, supplemented by further examples from East Asia. By interrogating what these examples have to show us about the typology and character of small nations, they offer a critique of superpower and draw out the potential of small nation studies. A valuable resource for students and scholars of international relations and theories of the nation and nation state.

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Radical ideologies may manifest differently at first, but they do follow a similar logic: truth claims, promises of salvation and a unifying common enemy. In Yemen's transition process today, the secessionist movement Al-Hirak has summoned the spirit of South Yemen, the only Marxist state in Arabia. This book meticulously describes how East Germany supported the implantation of this alien ideology in Yemen through its policy of #on("i")#"Socialist state- and nation-building"#off("i")#. In the same breath, the analysis captures the GDR's activities in the Middle East and their vital role in Moscow's Cold War strategy. Last but least, the study provides one of the few compact overviews of East German foreign policy in the English language of today.

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Drawing on years of research with activists around the world, sociologist Naomi Braine describes the strategies, politics, and tactics of direct action feminists bringing abortion pills, information, and support to people seeking to end unwanted pregnancies. From combatting the legal strictures of Bolsonaro's Brazil, to navigating the NGO-dominated landscape of Kenya and Nigeria, feminist activists are making safe, accessible abortion care available against the odds.<br><br>Even more important, these women are building a robust transnational feminist network. Tactics developed in the Global South - hotlines, practices of accompaniment and peer-to-peer care, and scientific information - are now being shared with activists in Europe and North America, building a new model for international feminist solidarity.

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A free open access ebook is available upon publication. Learn more at www.luminosoa.org. Yan'an is China's "revolutionary holy land," the heart of Mao Zedong's Communist movement from 1937 to 1947. Based on thirty years of archival and documentary research and numerous field trips to the region, Joseph W. Esherick's book examines the origins of the Communist revolution in Northwest China, from the political, social, and demographic changes of the Qing dynasty (1644–1911), to the intellectual ferment of the early Republic, the guerrilla movement of the 1930s, and the replacement of the local revolutionary leadership after Mao and the Center arrived in 1935. In Accidental Holy Land, Esherick compels us to consider the Chinese Revolution not as some inevitable peasant response to poverty and oppression, but as the contingent product of local, national, and international events in a constantly changing milieu.

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What must be done after the end of a dictatorship so that the suffering of those persecuted comes to an end and history does not repeat itself? Only rarely have long-term studies academically investigated the effects that measures implemented within the context of transitional justice have actually achieved. Taking seven countries as examples, this volume analyses what coming to terms with dictatorships can accomplish – and where its limits lie.

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Social democracy has made a political comeback in recent years, especially under the influence of the Third Way. Not everyone is convinced, however, that Third Way social democracy is the best means of reviving the Left's project. This book considers this dissent and offers an alternative approach. Bringing together a range of social and political theories, After the new social democracy engages with some of the most important contemporary debates regarding the present direction and future of the Left. Drawing upon egalitarian, feminist and environmental ideas it proposes that the social-democratic tradition can be renewed but only if the dominance of conservative ideas is challenged more effectively. It explores a number of issues with this aim in mind, including justice, the state, democracy, new technologies, future generations and the advances in genetics. Lively and authoritative, After the new social democracy offers a distinctive contribution to political ideas. It will appeal to all of those interested in politics, philosophy, social policy and social studies.

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The Communist Party dictatorships in Hungary and East Germany sought to win over the “masses” with promises of providing for ever-increasing levels of consumption. This policy—successful at the outset—in the long-term proved to be detrimental for the regimes because it shifted working class political consciousness to the right while it effectively excluded leftist alternatives from the public sphere. This book argues that this policy can provide the key to understanding of the collapse of the regimes. It examines the case studies of two large factories, Carl Zeiss Jena (East Germany) and Rába in Győr (Hungary), and demonstrates how the study of the formation of the relationship between the workers’ state and the industrial working class can offer illuminating insights into the important issue of the legitimacy (and its eventual loss) of Communist regimes.

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This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Anarchism and Political Modernity looks at the place of 'classical anarchism' in the postmodern political discourse, claiming that anarchism presents a vision of political postmodernity. The book seeks to foster a better understanding of why and how anarchism is growing in the present. To do so, it first looks at its origins and history, offering a different view from the two traditions that characterize modern political theory: socialism and liberalism. Such an examination leads to a better understanding of how anarchism connects with newer political trends and why it is a powerful force in contemporary social and political movements. This new volume in the Contemporary Anarchist Studies series offers a novel philosophical engagement with anarchism and contests a number of positions established in postanarchist theory. Its new approach makes a valuable contribution to an established debate about anarchism and political theory. It offers a new perspective on the emerging area of anarchist studies that will be of interest to students and theorists in political theory and anarchist studies.

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Anarchic clockmakers as alternative globalizers: a book about the attempt to establish a new world order.

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This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Angelic Troublemakers is the first detailed account of what happens when religious ethics, political philosophy, and the anarchist spirit intermingle. Wiley deftly captures the ideals that inspired three revered heroes of nonviolent disobedience—Henry Thoreau, Dorothy Day, and Bayard Rustin. Resistance to slavery, empire, and capital is a way of life, a transnational tradition of thought and action. This book is a must read for anyone interested in religion, ethics, politics, or law.

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This book is freely available in digital formats thanks to a generous grant from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the origins and development of anti-British sentiment in Fascist Italy, as Britain turned from being an ally in the First World War to an enemy in the Second. The book demonstrates that Fascist ideologues framed Britain as a stagnant and decaying country and the polar opposite of Fascism's new civilization, to the point that the regime's assessment of British political resolve and military might were distorted by ideological bias. The book offers a thorough analysis of diplomatic, military and journalistic sources and demonstrates that anti-British tropes had permeated Italy to a greater degree than was previously believed.

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This collection of essays is the result of the joint efforts of colleagues and students of the leading social anthropology and post-socialism theorist, Professor Chris Hann. With the thirtieth anniversary of the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 2019 as their catalyst, the authors reflect upon Chris Hann’s lifelong fieldwork in the discipline, spanning regions as diverse as East Central Europe, Turkey, and the Chinese north-west. The collapse of the Berlin Wall naturally triggered a plethora of analysis and scholarly research. Sociocultural anthropology, with its focus on ethnographic study and on the gradual evolution of social relations, sharply contrasted with the emphasis on dramatic rupture brought about by the 1989 transition. Continuing in this tradition, this volume, through micro-level analysis of societal transformation from the post-war years to the present day, provides an alternative perspective to the neoliberalist views often encountered in the scholarship on political and economic modernisation. The more nuanced analysis of social transformations proposed here is a particularly useful tool in the investigation of contemporary issues such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the refugee ‘crisis’, and the rise of right-wing populism in Eastern Europe and elsewhere. Anthropology of Transformation will be of interest to researchers in the fields of socio-cultural anthropology, religion and economics. Moreover, the book’s discussion of issues widely discussed beyond the field of academia such as neoliberalism and the welfare state, and populist and exclusionary politics, will appeal to non-specialist readers.

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The increasing radicalization of political life in most countries in Europe lends special relevance to studies of the antifascist legacies on the continent. This insightful collection of essays is an in-depth review of antifascism in Slovenia, setting it in the context of related movements elsewhere in Europe. The period treated by the 19 essays comprises the interwar period, World War Two, and the post-war decades. The comparative and transnational perspectives advanced by the volume change our understanding of antifascism. The essays deal with the right-wing but also left-wing instrumentalization of antifascism, with a particular focus on the communist and post-communist periods. The authors point out that antifascism comes in various strains, whether inspired by liberalism, social democracy, communism, monarchism, anarchism, or even Christian conservatism. The contributors bring to light several overlooked antifascist actors, campaigns, and organisations, mostly in Slovenia and the Adriatic area.

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A highly original thinker' - New York Times David Graeber (1961–2020) was an American anthropologist and anarchist activist, who left us with new ways to understand humankind. This collection of new writing brings together his insights into one book, showing how deeply his work continues to influence us today. Graeber’s writing resonates with both scholars and activists looking to shake things up. The impact of his work is broad in scope, from birth to banking, and he picks open social hierarchy and political power to expose what really makes human society tick. In today’s neoliberal world, we can turn to his legacy to provide a way for us to understand what went wrong, and how to fix it. This collection of writings is both an introduction to his life and works, a guide to his key ideas, and an inspiring example of of how anthropologists are continuing to use his work today.

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De cunho teórico e analítico, a presente obra tem como objetivo fortalecer a reflexão sobre a Ciência Política praticada no Brasil e sobre o Brasil como caso concreto. Seu amplo escopo reflete o engajamento das diferentes áreas ou subdisciplinas da Ciência Política nacional. O eixo principal do livro, comum a todos os capítulos, se baseia no levantamento das principais teorias (em perspectiva comparada) que têm sido mobilizadas para compreender o caso brasileiro, acompanhado de reflexões e análises sobre como as características específicas do nosso contexto incidem ao mesmo tempo na utilização, aplicabilidade e limitações dessas teorias. Dessa forma, o livro serve ao duplo propósito de realizar um levantamento dos principais argumentos usados pelos pesquisadores nacionais, oferecendo ao leitor um estado da arte da pesquisa em Ciência Política, e mapear as principais características do Brasil como caso concreto e como essas características importam para a avaliação das teorias produzidas aqui e no exterior.

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Balkan Holocausts compares and contrasts Serbian and Croatian propaganda from 1986 to 1999, analysing each group's contemporary interpretations of history and current events. It offers a detailed discussion of holocaust imagery and the history of victim-centred writing in nationalism theory, including the links between the comparative genocide debate, the so-called holocaust industry and Serbian and Croatian nationalism. No studies on Yugoslavia have thus far devoted significant space to such analysis. Offering a detailed analysis of Serbian and Croatian propaganda over the internet, the book discusses how and why the internet war was as important as the ground wars in Kosovo, Croatia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. No other study has fully examined the importance of the Internet as a propaganda tool in wartime. Finally, Balkan Holocausts offers a theme by theme analysis of Serbian and Croatian propaganda, using contemporary media sources, novels, academic works and journals. Many of the writers reviewed have not been studied in any depth elsewhere thus far, and there is a definite need to criticise and compare their works. The role of Slobodan Miloevic in the construction of Serbophobia is considered fully as is Tito's involvement in the war, and the important Moslem question. This study throws comparative light on the use and abuse of propaganda in other contemporary and recent conflicts around the world. It will cast a fascinating and illuminating light on the Balkan conflict, setting the conflict in its proper psychological and intellectual context, wherein war fever and paranoia led eventually to war crimes of the lowest possible nature.

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Social movement scholars have become increasingly interested in the role of stories in contentious politics. Stories may facilitate the mobilization of activists and strengthen the resonance of their claims within public discourse and institutional politics. This book explores the role of narratives in building collective identity – a vital element in activists’ continued commitment. While often claimed important, the connection between narratives and movement identity remains understudied. Drawing on a rich pool of original data, the book’s analysis focusses on the Global Justice Movement (GJM), a movement known for its diversity of political perspectives. Based on a comparison of different national constellations of the GJM in Europe, the book demonstrates the centrality of activists’ narratives in forming and maintaining movement identity and in making the GJM more enduring.

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The proclamation of Belarusian independence on March 25, 1918, and the rival establishment of the Soviet Belarusian state on January 1, 1919, created two distinct and mutually exclusive national myths, which continue to define contemporary Belarusian society. This book examines the processes that resulted in this dual resolution in the context of World War I and the subsequent Russian Revolutions. Based on original archival material, Lizaveta Kasmach scrutinizes the development of competing concepts of Belarusian nationhood in the context of rivaling national aspirations and imperial policies. The analysis convincingly demonstrates the divisions within the nationalist movement, both politically between the moderates and socialists, and geographically between German-occupied territory with Vilna as a center versus Russian-controlled territory around Minsk. Besides the case study of Belarusian nation-building efforts, the book is a contribution to the study of the First World War in East Central Europe, approaching the war and its aftermath as a mobilizational moment in the region.

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Racism has historically been a taboo topic in Mexico. This is largely due to the nationalist project of mestizaje which contends that because all Mexicans are racially mixed, race is not a salient political issue. In recent years, however, race and racism have become important topics of debate in the country’s public sphere and academia. This book introduces readers to a sample of these diverse and sometimes conflicting views that also intersect with discussions of class. The activists and scholars included in the volume come from fields such as anthropology, linguistics, history, sociology, and political science. Through these diverse epistemological frameworks, the authors show how people in contemporary Mexico interpret the world in racial terms and denounce racism.

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Authoritarianism operates on a visceral level rather than relying on arguments. How can we counter authoritarian affects? This publication brings together more than 50 first-hand accounts of anti-authoritarian movements, activists, artists, and scholars from around the world, focusing on the sensuous and emotional dimension of their strategies. From the collective art and aesthetics of feminist movements in India, Iran, Mexico, and Poland, to sewing collectives, subversive internet art in Hong Kong, and even anti-authoritarian board games, the contributions open new perspectives on moments of resistance, subversion, and creation. Indeed, the handbook itself is a work of anti-authoritarian art. The editors behind the »International Research Group on Authoritarianism and Counter-Strategies« and »kollektiv orangotango« are: Aurel Eschmann, Börries Nehe, Nico Baumgarten, Paul Schweizer, Severin Halder, Ailynn Torres Santana, Inés Duràn Matute, and Julieta Mira.

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What would a world without money look like? This book is a lively thought experiment that deepens our understanding of how money is the driver of political power, environmental destruction and social inequality today, arguing that it has to be abolished rather than repurposed to achieve a postcapitalist future. Grounded in historical debates about money, Anitra Nelson draws on a spectrum of political and economic thought and activism, including feminism, ecoanarchism, degrowth, permaculture, autonomism, Marxism and ecosocialism. Looking to Indigenous rights activism and the defence of commons, an international network of activists engaged in a fight for a money-free society emerges. Beyond Money shows that, by organising around post-money versions of the future, activists have a hope of creating a world that embodies their radical values and visions.

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Sergei Prozorov contends that the post-truth ideology leads to the degradation of the public sphere that is essential to democratic governance. He argues instead for a positive role of truth-telling in the democratisation of biopolitical governance.

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This book ('Company Directors under Communism. Between Ideas and Practice') is the result of a study of archival and other documentary material and interviews with prominent Slovenian company directors from pre-1991 Yugoslavia. It presents the basic structural characteristics and configurations of the communist socioeconomic system in which, despite ideological obstacles, Slovenian entrepreneurship and company directors developed after 1960.

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In 2019, the United Conservative Party, under the leadership of Jason Kenney, unseated the New Democratic Party to form the provincial government of Alberta. A restoration of conservative power in a province that had seen the Progressive Conservatives win every election from 1971-2015, UCP quickly began to make political waves. This is the first scholarly analysis of the 2019 election and the first years of the UCP government, with special focus on the path of Jason Kenney’s rise to, and fall from, provincial political power. It opens with an examination of the election from a number of vantage points, including the campaign, polling, and online politics. It provides fascinating insight into internal UCP politics with chapters on the divisions within the party, gender and the UCP, and the symbolism of Kenney’s famous blue pickup truck. Explorations of oil and gas policy, the Energy War Room, Alberta’s budgets, health care, education, the public sector, Alberta’s cultural industries, and more provide unprecedented insight into the actions, motivations, and impacts of Kenney’s UCP Government in power. Contributions from top political watchers, journalists, and academics provide a wide range of methods and perspectives. Concluding with a survey of the impacts of COVID-19 in Alberta and a comparison between Jason Kenney and Doug Ford, Blue Storm is essential reading for everyone interested in Alberta politics and the tumultuous first years of the UCP government. Providing key insights from perspectives across the political spectrum, this book is a captivating deep-dive into an unprecedented party, its often controversial politics, and its unforgettable leader.

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In den letzten Jahrzehnten hat die sogenannte »neue« Rechte in Deutschland sowie in Europa und Amerika an Sichtbarkeit und Einfluss in Politik, Gesellschaft und Öffentlichkeit gewonnen. Diese Entwicklung ist eng mit dem Aufstieg des Rechtspopulismus und der Mobilisierung rechtsextremer Bewegungen verbunden. Die Beiträger*innen analysieren aus soziologischen, politik- und geschichtswissenschaftlichen sowie sozialpsychologischen Perspektiven die jüngsten Entwicklungen im Feld der »neuen« Rechten. Dazu nehmen sie sowohl globale Dynamiken als auch die Situation in lokalen Hotspots in Sachsen in den Blick und bieten so eine umfassende Zusammenschau neurechter Politiken über Ländergrenzen hinweg.

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Das Jahrbuch des Dokumentationsarchivs des österreichischen Widerstandes (DÖW) untersucht seit 1986 alle Aspekte des Nationalsozialismus. Dieses Bemühen um Erforschung und Aufarbeitung bleibt immer fragmentarisch. Zu viele Zeug*innen haben nicht überlebt, Dokumente wurden vernichtet, Erinnerungen lange abgewehrt. Dem trägt das Jahrbuch 2023 mit dem Titel „Bruchstücke" Rechnung. Die präzisen Einblicke der einzelnen Beiträge fügen sich wie Splitter zu verschiedenen Themen in ein Mosaik: die Befragung von ehemaligen SS- und Wehrmachtsangehörigen durch einen Auschwitz-Überlebenden in den 1960er Jahren in Deutschland, private Filmaufnahmen aus dem Kriegsgefangenenlager Stalag XVII A, die Erinnerung an den bewaffneten Widerstand der Kärntner Partisan*innen, die Vertreibung eines Kinderstars der Operette aus Wien, das Schicksal der ersten von Wien ins besetzte Polen deportierten Juden, das tödliche Bombenattentat auf österreichische Roma 1995, Demokratiebildung und rechtsextreme Einstellungen in migrantischen Communities. Das Buch skizziert verschiedene historische und aktuelle Ansätze und Motivationen von Forschenden ebenso wie die digitale Umsetzung von Ergebnissen heute. ; Das Jahrbuch des Dokumentationsarchivs des österreichischen Widerstandes (DÖW) untersucht seit 1986 alle Aspekte des Nationalsozialismus. Dieses Bemühen um Erforschung und Aufarbeitung bleibt immer fragmentarisch. Zu viele Zeug*innen haben nicht überlebt, Dokumente wurden vernichtet, Erinnerungen lange abgewehrt. Dem trägt das Jahrbuch 2023 mit dem Titel „Bruchstücke" Rechnung. Die präzisen Einblicke der einzelnen Beiträge fügen sich wie Splitter zu verschiedenen Themen in ein Mosaik: die Befragung von ehemaligen SS- und Wehrmachtsangehörigen durch einen Auschwitz-Überlebenden in den 1960er Jahren in Deutschland, private Filmaufnahmen aus dem Kriegsgefangenenlager Stalag XVII A, die Erinnerung an den bewaffneten Widerstand der Kärntner Partisan*innen, die Vertreibung eines Kinderstars der Operette aus Wien, das Schicksal der ersten von Wien ins besetzte Polen deportierten Juden, das tödliche Bombenattentat auf österreichische Roma 1995, Demokratiebildung und rechtsextreme Einstellungen in migrantischen Communities. Das Buch skizziert verschiedene historische und aktuelle Ansätze und Motivationen von Forschenden ebenso wie die digitale Umsetzung von Ergebnissen heute.

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to be completed

Bücher unter Verdacht - so lautete der Titel einer Ausstellung der Niedersächsischen Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, bei der Beispiele von NS-Raub- und Beutebüchern aus ihren Beständen präsentiert wurden. Der Ausstellungskatalog dokumentiert nicht nur alle gezeigten Objekte, sondern gibt in kurzen Einführungen auch Informationen zum historischen Hintergrund. Wohl fast alle wissenschaftlichen Bibliotheken habenwährend des Dritten Reiches Bücher in ihre Bestände aufgenommen,die aus beschlagnahmten Bibliotheken von Arbeitervereinen und anderenOrganisationen stammten, die bei Razzien in Buchhandlungen und Verlagen von den Nationalsozialisten entwendet und an Bibliotheken weitergegeben wurden, die Privatpersonen unter Zwang abgeben mussten oderdie während des Krieges in den besetzten Gebieten geraubt wurden. Vieleweitere Beispiele ließen sich nennen. Der vorliegende Ausstellungskataloggibt einen Einblick in die zeitgenössische Praxis einer Universitätsbibliothek beim Umgang mit NS-Raub- und Beutebüchern, wie sie heute genannt werden.

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Von scheinbar unpolitischen Nachbarschaftswachen bis zu organisierten rechtsextremen Patrouillen - immer häufiger inszenieren sich Bürger*innen als alternative Ordnungsmacht. Nina Marie Bust-Bartels hat Bürgerwehren auf ihren Streifzügen begleitet und liefert Einblicke in die politischen Motivationen der Mitglieder. Mit ihrer Studie an der Schnittstelle von Soziologie, Ethnologie und Politikwissenschaft zeigt sie, warum vor allem Männer das staatliche Gewaltmonopol infrage stellen. Darüber hinaus untersucht sie erstmals Bürgerwehren als Strategie rechtsextremer Akteure, die durch die Kontrolle des öffentlichen Raumes politische Macht gewinnen wollen.

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For decades, the heartland of Myanmar has been configured as a pacified space under military surveillance. A closer look reveals how politics is enacted at distance with the state. Calibrated Engagement weaves together ethnography and history to chronicle the transformation of rural politics in Anya, the dry lands of central Myanmar. The book presents situations as varied as local elections, inheritance transmissions, land conflicts and ceremonies, to show that politics is about how people calibrate the way they engage with each other.

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A provocative analysis of market-based interventions into public problems and the consequences.Market-based interventions have been used in attempts to solve numerous public problems, from education to healthcare and from climate change to privacy. Scholars have responded persuasively through critiques of neoliberalism. In Can Markets Solve Problems? Daniel Neyland, Véra Ehrenstein, and Sveta Milyaeva propose a different route forward. There is no single entity knowable as “the market,” the authors argue. Instead, they examine in detail the devices, relations, and practices that underpin these market-based interventions. Drawing on recent work in science and technology studies (STS), each chapter focuses on a different intervention and critically explores the market sensibility around which it is organized. Trade and exchange, competition, property and ownership, and investment and return all become the focus of a thorough exploration of what it means to intervene in public problems, how problems are composed, and how solutions are continually reworked. Can Markets Solve Problems? offers the first book-length STS enquiry into markets and public problems. Weaving together rich empirical descriptions and conceptual discussions, the book provides in-depth insights into the workings of these markets, their continuous evolution, and the consequences. The result is a new avenue of critical inquiry that moves between the details of specific policies and the always-emerging, collective features of this landscape of intervention.

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El segle XX va ser, sens dubte, el de les revolucions, i en especial el de la revolució russa. A partir del 1917, els esdeveniments que van tenir lloc a l’antic imperi tsarista van traspassar fronteres i van sacsejar els fonaments de tota mena de societats, independentment de la identitat nacional, el credo religiós, l’estructura econòmica i la forma política. Els fets d’octubre van servir tant de model com de fantasma per combatre, inspirant i encoratjant els conflictes, les reformes, les revolucions i les contrarevolucions del curt segle XX. Amb motiu de la commemoració del centenari de l’inici de la revolució el 2017, el Centre d’Estudis Històrics Internacionals de la Universitat de Barcelona va recopilar aportacions historiogràfiques que posen de manifest com la revolució russa va contribuir a configurar el món tal com el coneixem.

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The Shi’i Ismaili Muslims of Central Asia have a complex political history. This open access book is the first English-language study of the Ismaili Muslims in this region, based on analysis of the Russian, Soviet and post-Soviet scholarship about them. It sheds new light on their history and heritage, and also shows how the Ismailis of Central Asia have been understood and presented in the academic literature. Divided into three parts, the first covers the spread of the Ismaili da’wa (mission) throughout Central Asia - known as Khurasan - from the 3rd/9th century until modern times. This part examines the prominent poet da’i Nasir-i Khusraw, who played an instrumental role in the expansion and development of Ismailism in Badakhshan in the eleventh century and reveals the impact of his religio-philosophical legacy in the life of the contemporary community. The second part examines the initial interest in Ismaili Studies engendered by Russian imperial rule. It also shows how approaches to the study of Ismailism were affected by 70 years of Communist atheist rule and the demise of the Communist political and ideological system. The third part presents an annotated bibliography of books, articles, and published and unpublished materials, including documents and oral materials on the history, thought and practices of the Ismailis of Central Asia, most of which has not been hitherto easily accessible to Western scholarship. The comprehensive survey and rich bibliography aims to illuminate the history and historiography of the Ismailis in Central Asia and facilitate further study on the subject by experts around the world.

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Central Peripheries explores post-Soviet Central Asia through the prism of nation-building. Although relative latecomers on the international scene, the Central Asian states see themselves as globalized, and yet in spite of – or perhaps precisely because of – this, they hold a very classical vision of the nation-state, rejecting the abolition of boundaries and the theory of the ‘death of the nation’. Their unabashed celebration of very classical nationhoods built on post-modern premises challenges the Western view of nationalism as a dying ideology that ought to have been transcended by post-national cosmopolitanism. Marlene Laruelle looks at how states in the region have been navigating the construction of a nation in a post-imperial context where Russia remains the dominant power and cultural reference. She takes into consideration the ways in which the Soviet past has influenced the construction of national storylines, as well as the diversity of each state’s narratives and use of symbolic politics. Exploring state discourses, academic narratives and different forms of popular nationalist storytelling allows Laruelle to depict the complex construction of the national pantheon in the three decades since independence. The second half of the book focuses on Kazakhstan as the most hybrid national construction and a unique case study of nationhood in Eurasia. Based on the principle that only multidisciplinarity can help us to untangle the puzzle of nationhood, Central Peripheries uses mixed methods, combining political science, intellectual history, sociology and cultural anthropology. It is inspired by two decades of fieldwork in the region and a deep knowledge of the region’s academia and political environment.Praise for Central Peripheries ‘Marlene Laruelle paves the way to the more focused and necessary outlook on Central Asia, a region that is not a periphery but a central space for emerging conceptual debates and complexities. Above all, the book is a product of Laruelle's trademark excellence in balancing empirical depth with vigorous theoretical advancements.’ –Diana T. Kudaibergenova, University of Cambridge ‘Using the concept of hybridity, Laruelle explores the multitude of historical, political and geopolitical factors that predetermine different ways of looking at nations and various configurations of nation-building in post-Soviet Central Asia. Those manifold contexts present a general picture of the transformation that the former southern periphery of the USSR has been going through in the past decades.’ – Sergey Abashin, European University at St Petersburg

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The high ideals of anarchism have inspired generations of activists and political thinkers for over a century and a half, winning respect from even the fiercest of opponents. As the 'conscience of politics', anarchism's opposition to all forms of power and its emphasis on responsibility and self-determination has provided a constant benchmark for other areas of political philosophy and practice. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, with popular movements challenging the logic of globalisation, Western military imperialism and the assumptions of 'democratic' governments, anarchist theory and practice has once again made its presence felt. 'Changing anarchism' documents the links between these movements and contemporary anarchism and demonstrates how anarchist ideas are evolving in a global age. In particular, the book examines strands within anarchism concerned with technology, the environment and identity, and suggests that these are useful sociological tools for understanding the pervasive and interconnected nature of power. The contributors also offer practical insight into how power is being resisted in a variety of social and political contexts and how anarchist ideals are impacting on many different areas of everyday life. The balance of activist perspectives on anti-capitalism, sexuality, narcotics, education and mental health, combined with theoretical material drawn from post-structuralism, ecologism, the complexity sciences and social movement theory, ensures that Changing Anarchism will appeal to the general reader as well as to students of politics, sociology and cultural studies.

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Over the last two decades, it has become clear that Russia insists on its great power status, even at considerable cost. Chasing Greatness provides an interpretive explanation of the tacit rules that shape Russia's great power identity today. Anatoly Reshetnikov argues that this never-ending chase for greatness is a result of how Russia and its predecessors—including the USSR, Russian Empire, Muscovy, and Kievan Rus’—historically interacted with its neighbors to the east, the south, and particularly the west. By analyzing an extensive amount of original source material, including primary sources that have not been previously translated into English, he is able to reconstruct a millennial history of the Russian concepts that express political greatness. He also traces numerous encounters between Russia and the West, as well as Russia’s troubled integration into the European society of states in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, to show how these concepts have affected Russia’s interaction with international society. Despite its substantive historical depth, Chasing Greatness is not a book of history. Rather, it is a synthesizing social science work inspired by the continental tradition of the critical history of modernity. As such, the book is more about the present than about the past. Its main aim is to expose and explain the rich conceptual baggage behind Russia’s unceasing great power rhetoric (domestic and international) and how this rhetoric drives the current international crises involving Russia.

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Religion meant far more in early modern England than church on Sundays, a baptism, a funeral or a wedding ceremony. The Church was fully enmeshed in the everyday lives of the people; in particular, their morals and religious observance. The Church imposed comprehensive regulations on its flock, such as sex before marriage, adultery and receiving the sacrament, and it employed an army of informers and bureaucrats, headed by a diocesan chancellor, to enable its courts to enforce the rules. Church courts lay, thus, at the very intersection of Church and people. The courts of the seventeenth century – when ‘a cyclonic shattering’ produced a ‘great overturning of everything in England’ – have, surprisingly, had to wait until now for scrutiny. Church Courts and the People in Seventeenth-Century England offers a detailed survey of three dioceses across the whole of the century, examining key aspects such as attendance at court, completion of business and, crucially, the scale of guilt to test the performance of the courts. While the study will capture the interest of lawyers to clergymen, or from local historians to sociologists, its primary appeal will be to researchers in the field of Church history. For students and researchers of the seventeenth century, it provides a full account of court operations, measuring the extent of control, challenging orthodoxies about excommunication, penance and juries, contextualising ecclesiastical justice within major societal issues of the times and, ultimately, presents powerful evidence for a ‘church in danger’ by the end of the century.

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This innovative volume is the first systematic study of civil society elites in Southeast Asia (and indeed anywhere in the world). Spanning two previously separate areas of research – civil society and elites – it sheds new light on power inequalities within and beyond civil society, identifies different types of elite formation and elite interaction within and beyond civil society, and traces interactions and integration with elite groups from party politics, the state, and the business sector. This tightly edited volume, produced by a research team ranging from senior scholars to promising younger academics, analyses how such processes are influenced by reliance on foreign funding and explores how they play out in two settings – where the political space for civil society is generally shrinking (Cambodia) and where it is relatively expanding (Indonesia). However, the volume offers more than a rethinking of civil society in Cambodia and Indonesia; it looks beyond. It thus challenges a view of civil society entities as relatively isolated from the state and from political and economic society, revealing power relations that link them. Suggesting a new direction for civil society research, the book will be of great interest to the many researchers working on civil society, elites and contemporary Southeast Asian politics as well as those engaged in other areas of society in Cambodia and Indonesia. Policymakers, donors and not least civil society activists themselves will find the volume highly relevant to their work.

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This book navigates the neglected territory where far-right populism intersects with climate change, presenting a nuanced examination that transcends traditional research boundaries. In recent decades, Europe has grappled with the surge of far-right and populist movements, fueling robust academic debates. Simultaneously, the global discourse on climate change has become increasingly pervasive in societal and political spheres. This book provides a comprehensive exploration of how populist far-right parties discuss climate change within their national contexts, focusing on Germany, Spain, and Austria. Using a meticulous methodology rooted in critical discourse studies, Mirjam Gruber examines the perspectives on climate change held by mainstream parties thereby defining the national policy field. Gruber then delves into the discourse about climate change of populist far-right parties, revealing a complex web of obstructionist arguments intricately tied to the national policy context. By analyzing a diverse array of documents spanning five years, including social media posts, press releases, parliamentary debates, and policy documents, Gruber uncovers a stark contrast between the willingness of mainstream parties to address climate concerns and the obstructionist rhetoric employed by their far-right counterparts. This illuminating exploration underscores the importance of context in understanding political communication and provides profound insights into how different nations frame the climate change narrative. Climate Politics in Populist Times will be of great interest to students and scholars of climate change, environmental politics, climate change communication and populist far-right ideologies.

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This book navigates the neglected territory where far-right populism intersects with climate change, presenting a nuanced examination that transcends traditional research boundaries. In recent decades, Europe has grappled with the surge of far-right and populist movements, fueling robust academic debates. Simultaneously, the global discourse on climate change has become increasingly pervasive in societal and political spheres. This book provides a comprehensive exploration of how populist far-right parties discuss climate change within their national contexts, focusing on Germany, Spain, and Austria. Using a meticulous methodology rooted in critical discourse studies, Mirjam Gruber examines the perspectives on climate change held by mainstream parties thereby defining the national policy field. Gruber then delves into the discourse about climate change of populist far-right parties, revealing a complex web of obstructionist arguments intricately tied to the national policy context. By analyzing a diverse array of documents spanning five years, including social media posts, press releases, parliamentary debates, and policy documents, Gruber uncovers a stark contrast between the willingness of mainstream parties to address climate concerns and the obstructionist rhetoric employed by their far-right counterparts. This illuminating exploration underscores the importance of context in understanding political communication and provides profound insights into how different nations frame the climate change narrative. Climate Politics in Populist Times will be of great interest to students and scholars of climate change, environmental politics, climate change communication and populist far-right ideologies.

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This book addresses debates around radicalisation and political violence, and presents a timely analysis of the politics of emotions in narratives of political activism and violence. Drawing on extensive primary data consisting of texts, audios, and videos produced by five Islamist organisations active in the UK in the 2000s and Germany in the early 2010s, the book explores how collective actors move from moderate politics to (violent) extremism. The book develops an innovative theoretical and methodological framework at the intersection of world politics, peace and conflict studies, critical terrorism research, literary studies, and transdisciplinary emotion research. In the first part, Clément problematises previous categorisations of Islamist activism and reconstructs organisations’ phases of activism in a data-driven, systematic way. In the second part, the analysis centres on how organisations legitimise changes in activism narratively. Specifically, the book delves into the performance of collective emotions in and through narrative and interrogates their effects on (violent) collective action. By introducing the concept of ‘narrative emotionalisation’, Clément adds to our understanding of narrative deployments in the context of political violence. While organisations couch radical changes in activism in a strikingly similar romantic narrative, the compared analysis across cases reveals that ‘narrative emotionalisation’ fully unfolds only in phases of extremism. By exploring how non-state actors manage collective emotions, this book extends beyond the ideology-centric and strategic-rationalist approaches to group radicalisation. It offers an insightful and nuanced account of non-state agency and emotion dynamics in political conflicts.

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‘An authoritative analysis of the role of communication in contemporary capitalism and an important contribution to debates about the forms of domination and potentials for liberation in today’s capitalist society.’ — Professor Michael Hardt, Duke University, co-author of the tetralogy Empire, Commonwealth, Multitude, and Assembly

‘A comprehensive approach to understanding and transcending the deepening crisis of communicative capitalism. It is a major work of synthesis and essential reading for anyone wanting to know what critical analysis is and why we need it now more than ever.’ — Professor Graham Murdock, Emeritus Professor, University of Loughborough and co-editor of The Handbook of Political Economy of Communications

Communication and Capitalism outlines foundations of a critical theory of communication. Going beyond Jürgen Habermas’ theory of communicative action, Christian Fuchs outlines a communicative materialism that is a critical, dialectical, humanist approach to theorising communication in society and in capitalism. The book renews Marxist Humanism as a critical theory perspective on communication and society.

The author theorises communication and society by engaging with the dialectic, materialism, society, work, labour, technology, the means of communication as means of production, capitalism, class, the public sphere, alienation, ideology, nationalism, racism, authoritarianism, fascism, patriarchy, globalisation, the new imperialism, the commons, love, death, metaphysics, religion, critique, social and class struggles, praxis, and socialism.

Fuchs renews the engagement with the questions of what it means to be a human and a humanist today and what dangers humanity faces today.

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‘An authoritative analysis of the role of communication in contemporary capitalism and an important contribution to debates about the forms of domination and potentials for liberation in today’s capitalist society.’ — Professor Michael Hardt, Duke University, co-author of the tetralogy Empire, Commonwealth, Multitude, and Assembly

‘A comprehensive approach to understanding and transcending the deepening crisis of communicative capitalism. It is a major work of synthesis and essential reading for anyone wanting to know what critical analysis is and why we need it now more than ever.’ — Professor Graham Murdock, Emeritus Professor, University of Loughborough and co-editor of The Handbook of Political Economy of Communications

Communication and Capitalism outlines foundations of a critical theory of communication. Going beyond Jürgen Habermas’ theory of communicative action, Christian Fuchs outlines a communicative materialism that is a critical, dialectical, humanist approach to theorising communication in society and in capitalism. The book renews Marxist Humanism as a critical theory perspective on communication and society.

The author theorises communication and society by engaging with the dialectic, materialism, society, work, labour, technology, the means of communication as means of production, capitalism, class, the public sphere, alienation, ideology, nationalism, racism, authoritarianism, fascism, patriarchy, globalisation, the new imperialism, the commons, love, death, metaphysics, religion, critique, social and class struggles, praxis, and socialism.

Fuchs renews the engagement with the questions of what it means to be a human and a humanist today and what dangers humanity faces today.

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Démocratie et diversité sont-elles conciliables ? Et, si oui, à quelles conditions ? Selon un discours dominant, le modèle libéral, pluraliste et multiculturel serait le seul véritablement en mesure de répondre à ce défi. Mais le prix à payer serait un renoncement à l’idéal républicain du bien commun et à l’idée d’une communauté de citoyens qui s’autogouvernent. Les auteurs de ce livre, qu’ils s’inscrivent dans les courants républicain, libéral ou radical, ne partagent pas ce constat. La conciliation entre démocratie et diversité n’a pas le libéralisme multiculturel comme seul horizon. Au contraire, c’est en reposant les fondements de la démocratie, et en conservant à l’arrière-plan un certain héritage républicain, que peut émerger une nouvelle approche de la diversité. Pour certains auteurs, cet héritage républicain est celui de posséder une grammaire culturelle commune afin d’assurer une cohésion collective, pour d’autres, il s’exprime comme liberté de non-domination ou encore comme modèle d’autodétermination démocratique. Un héritage qui est pluriel, mais qui a encore un rôle aujourd’hui pour répondre aux problèmes politiques des sociétés démocratiques, dont celui de la diversité et de la reconnaissance des différences.

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This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. As a complex and multifaceted world-view, conservatism is often pigeonholed and partially understood. And while the nature of conservative ideology is warmly contested among scholars, no-one can deny its prominence in contemporary debates and its effects on the politics of everyday life. These 16 essays written by expert scholars and specialists offer a broad survey of conservative thought that extends beyond typical historical and geographic boundaries to include past thinkers like Plato and Edmund Burke, non-European conservative traditions such as Japan and Russia, and political ‘practitioners’ including Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan and Charles de Gaulle. Each essay grapples with short primary source extracts while offering instructive criticism and commentary. Conservative Moments offers students a useful, accessible, and comprehensive exposition of this political ideology.

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The project of European integration has undergone a succession of shocks, beginning with the Eurozone crisis, followed by reactions to the sudden growth of irregular migration, and, most recently, the Coronavirus pandemic. These shocks have politicised questions related to the governance of borders and markets that for decades had been beyond the realm of contestation. For some time, these questions have been spilling over into domestic and European electoral politics, with the rise of “populist” and Eurosceptic parties. Increasingly, however, the crises have begun to reshape the liberal narrative that have been central to the European project. This book charts the rise of contestation over the meaning of “Europe”, particularly in light of the Coronavirus crisis and Brexit. Drawing together cutting edge, interdisciplinary scholarship from across the continent, it questions not merely the traditional conflict between European and nationalist politics, but the impact of contestation on the assumed “cosmopolitan” values of Europe.

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As much as scholars of Baltic Studies always claim independence for the languages and literature it involves, it is evident that the Baltic and Slavic languages and literature have been and still are in latent contact and exchange. The historical processes had led to interwoven but distinct cultural spheres `on the border.' Our interdisciplinary collection of essays follows several borderlines: Teresa Dalecka (University of Vilnius) discusses the Polish literature in Lithuania since 1990 and the environment that created it. Stephan Kessler (University of Greifswald) sketches a framework of narration and applies it to a story written by Maks Fraj who lives in Lithuania but is from Odessa by origin. Anna Stankeviča, Inna Dvorecka, and Jekaterina Gusakova (each from the University of Daugavpils) give an overview of Latvia's Russophone book market and analyse Vadim Vernik's formula fiction. Sergei Kruk (Stradiņš University in Rīga) discusses the Latvian concept of linguistic integration that roots in the romantic notions of social homogeneity and language as being a shibboleth for successful integration. Nicole Nau (University of Poznań) highlights four techniques for the integration of Slavic verbs and verbal derivational affixes into Latgalian, based on material from the 19th to the 21st century. Anastasija Kostiučenko (University of Greifswald), investigates how the concept of hybridity can be used to describe and better understand the language area and identity issues in Southeast Lithuania.

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En el contexto de la profunda crisis civilizatoria que vive la humanidad, se da igualmente una severa crisis de las izquierdas en diferentes partes del mundo. Las propuestas alternativas que fueron representadas por los denominados gobiernos progresistas en América Latina, en lo fundamental, fracasaron en términos de los objetivos que se transformadores que se propusieron. La incapacidad de la izquierda »oficial« para reflexionar crítica y autocríticamente sobre estas experiencias impide aprender de éstas, con lo cual no puede sino profundizarse la crisis de dicha izquierda como alternativa al capitalismo y, más ampliamente, a civilización en crisis.

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This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. This volume in the Contemporary Anarchist Studies series focuses on anti-statist critiques in ancient and modern China and demonstrates that China does not have an unchallenged authoritarian political culture. Treating anarchism as a critique of centralized state power, the work first examines radical Daoist thought from the 4th century BCE to the 9th century CE and compares Daoist philosophers and poets to Western anarchist and utopian thinkers. This is followed by a survey of anarchist themes in dissident thought in the People's Republic of China from 1949 to the present. A concluding chapter discusses how Daoist anarchism can be applied to any anarchist-inspired radical critique today. This work not only challenges the usual ideas of the scope and nature of dissent in China, it also provides a unique comparison of ancient Chinese Daoist anarchism to Western anarchist. Featuring previously untranslated texts, such as the 9th century Buddhist anarchist tract, the Wunengzi, and essays from the PRC press, it will be an essential resource to anyone studying anarchism, Chinese political thought, political dissent, and political history.

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Geburtenzahlen und Migration als Untergangsmythos: Der »große Austausch« hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren zur wohl wichtigsten sinnstiftenden Erzählung der sogenannten Neuen Rechten entwickelt. Nadja Kutscher macht anhand einer Analyse einschlägiger Texte deutlich, wie auf vermeintlicher Faktenbasis mit rassistisch-sexistischen Markern ein Volksaustausch konstruiert wird. Der rassifizierte Feind erscheint hier als Gefahr für das deutsche Volk und die deutsche Frau. Es wird deutlich: Ziel dieses Narrativs ist nicht die Rettung eines - selbst in den Augen der Neurechten rein illusionären - deutschen Volkes, sondern die Zementierung von Grenzen und Verachtung.

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Der Aufklärer Christian Thomasius (1655-1728) gilt bislang kaum als politischer Denker von ideengeschichtlicher Bedeutung, und die in der Literatur zwischen "absolutistisch" oder "liberal" schwankenden Urteile sind aufgrund ihrer Materiallage selten verallgemeinerungsfähig. Dem Kernproblem eines fehlenden politiktheoretischen Hauptwerks stellt sich der Autor der vorliegenden Untersuchung mit einem systematischen Rekonstruktionsversuch seiner Staats- und Gesellschaftstheorie aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive. Die abschließenden Charakterisierungen eines "rechtsstaatlichen Absolutismus" und eines "strukturkonservativen Sozialmodells mit emanzipatorischen, bürgerlich-individualistischen Potentialen" stehen für die paradigmatische Ambivalenz seines politischen Denkens im Umbruch zum 18. Jahrhundert. Zugleich deuten sie die von Thomasius' Gesamtwerk ausgehenden wesentlichen Impulse für die Entwicklung der modernen bürgerlichen Gesellschaft an, die nachdrücklich Beachtung verdienen.

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The Death of Public Knowledge? insists upon the value of shared, publicly accessible information, and suggests that the erosion of its most visible forms, including public service broadcasting, education and the network of public libraries, will have worrying outcomes for democracy.

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Published

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